97 Carr, Barry, ‘El Partido Comunista’; Benjamin, Thomas, A Rich Land, A Poor People: Politics and Society in Modern Chiapas (Albuquerque, 1989), ch. Weston, "The Political Legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas", p. 400, fn. El Partido Comunista y la movilización agrarian en la Laguna, 1920–40: ¿una alianza obrero-campesina? 85 Meyer, El sinarquismo, pp. [31], Cárdenas further strengthened the government's role by creating rural militias or reserves, which armed some 60,000 peasants by 1940, which were under the control of the army. For more recent scholarly distinctions along the same lines: Hamilton, The Limits of State Autonomy, pp. The opposition to socialist education by the Catholic Church as an institution and rural Catholics in such strongholds as Michoacan, Jalisco, and Durango saw the revival of armed peasant opposition, sometimes known as the Second Cristiada. 137–8,141; and, for a critique of the catch-all category of ‘populism’, Roxborough, Ian, ‘Unity and Diversity in Latin American History’, Journal of Latin American Studies, vol. VI. Vasconcelos), c. 1924. Sin embargo durante estas hubo numerosas acusaciones de corrupción y manipulación. To Cárdenas he said, "They say the Communists are weaving a dangerous web around you. 130 Buvé, ‘State Governors and Peasant Mobilization in Tlaxcala’. El Congreso del Trabajo. 170–88. Álvaro Obregón…………………………………………………………………………….13 10 Holloway, John and Picciotto, Sol, State and Capital: A Marxist Debate (London, 1978), is a useful collection. Right-wing political groups opposed Cárdenas's policies, including the National Synarchist Union (UNS), a popular, pro-Catholic, quasi-fascist movement founded in 1937 opposed his "atheism" and collectivism. 16 North, Liisa and Raby, David, ‘The Dynamics of Revolution and Counter-revolution: Mexico under Cárdenas, 1934–40’, Latin American Research Unit Studies, vol. (Mexico, 1984). [14] Such a multiyear program was patterned after the just-completed Five Year Plan of the Soviet Union. 2, no. The first one drew approximately 300 pueblos, while the second only 75. "The Great Depression and Industrialization: The Case of Mexico" in Rosemary Thorp, ed. Cárdenas's cabinet when he was first in office included Calles family members, his oldest son Rodolfo at the Secretariat of Communications and Public Works (1934–35); Aarón Sáenz Garza, the brother-in-law of Calles's second son, Plutarco Jr. ("Aco"), was appointed the administrator for Mexico City (1934–35), a cabinet-level position. Cárdenas's first action after taking office late in 1934 was to have his presidential salary cut in half. Although not extensively active during that period, in the post-World War II era of the Mexican Miracle, the bank was an important tool in government industrialization projects. Land reform, with some exceptions such as in Yucatán, took place in areas of previous mobilization. The companies appealed the government's decision to force companies to pay the wages to the Mexican Supreme Court, which ruled against them on March 1, 1938. ", Wells, Allen. Benítez, Fernando, Ki: El drama de un pueblo y una planta (Mexico, 1985), gives no immediate background to the 1937 reparto. 73 Raby, David, Educatión y revolutión social en México, 1921–1940 (Mexico, 1974); Friedrich, Princess of Naranja, pp. An important addition to higher education in Mexico was when Cárdenas established the Instituto Politécnico Nacional (IPN), a technical university in Mexico City, in the wake of the 1938 oil expropriation. 22 Krauze, El general misionero: Anguian o Equihua, Lázaro Cárdenas. Cárdenas died of cancer in Mexico City on October 19, 1970 at the age of 75. An Essay in Anthrohistorical Method (Austin, 1986); Gledhill, John, Casi Nada: A Study of Agrarian Reform in the Homeland of Cardenismo (Albany, 1991), chs. La Unión de Obreros y Campesinos de México. The same legajo contains a series of complaints from campesino organisations, denouncing the corrupt, conservative regime of Nuevo León Governor Anacleto Guerrero. Ávila Camacho crushed Almazán's forces[87] and assumed office in December 1940. Published online by Cambridge University Press: URL: /core/journals/journal-of-latin-american-studies. 39 de Janvry, Alain, The Agrarian Question and Reformism in Latin America (Baltimore, 1981). [46] The department published 12 edited books with a total publication run of 350 as well as 170 tape recorded materials in indigenous languages.[47]. 143 Mosk, Sanford A., Industrial Revolution in Mexico (Berkeley, 1950), p. 58. (September 2006). Denunciations of arbitrary local officials were as old as the colony; now, however, they were couched in a different discourse. Nueva Italia would later be one of the major experiments in agrarian collectivisation under Cárdenas. The revamped official party, the PRM, also remained a somewhat skeletal organisation in Nuevo León: ‘en realidad no existe P.R.M. (ed. Mexico was not alone in Latin America in not enfranchising women, but in 1932, both Brazil and Uruguay had extended suffrage to women,[49] and Ecuador had also done so. Antecedentes del movimiento revolucionario 1910 The last two years of the Cárdenas sexenio there were two congresses each year, but sparser attendance at around 200 pueblos each. [19] He ousted Calles and exiled him in 1936 as he consolidated power in his own right, ending the so-called Maximato with Calles being the power behind the presidency. Falcón Vega, “Saturnino Cedillo”, p. 231. 13 Meyer, Jean, La Revolutión Mexicana, 1910–40 (Barcelona, 1973). 385–94. 136–7. Cedillo was a supporter of Calles and had participated in the formation of the Partido Nacional Revolucionario. The PRM was organized in four sectors, industrial labor, peasants, a middle class sector (composed largely of government workers), and the military. Envió al Congreso de la Unión la. El presidente Cárdenas pretendió generar unas elecciones libres, siendo uno de los objetivos del cardenismo la de intentar revitalizar el ideal de la democracia. [citation needed], Mexico's most important relations with foreign countries during the Cárdenas presidency was the United States, but Cárdenas attempted to influence fellow Latin American nations viable formal diplomatic efforts in Cuba, Chile, Colombia, and Peru, especially in the cultural sphere. An international court ruled that Mexico had the authority for nationalization. X. 6 ‘Cárdenas' supporters… thought mainly in terms of modernizing the free enterprise capitalist system in order to better insure its survival’: Michaels, Albert L. and Bernstein, Marvin, ‘The Modernization of the Old Order: Organization and Periodization of Twentieth-Century Mexican History’, in Wilkie, James C., Meyer, Michael C. and de Wilkie, Edna Monzón (eds. Cárdenas was emphatically opposed to fascism, but created the PRM and organized the Mexican state on authoritarian lines. For Molina Enríquez, the Yucatecan henequen plantations were an "evil legacy" and "hellholes" for the Maya. Además, es relativamente común que estos tipos de migraciones se combinen y las que son intermitentes terminen por convertirse en definitivas. La situación económica I. Introducción. 105 Jeffrey W. Rubin, ‘Popular Mobilization and the Myth of State Corporatism’, in Craig and Foweraker, Popular Movements, pp. 38 González, Luis, Historia de la Revolucio'n Mexicana, Periodo 1934–40. ), Estadistas, caciquesy caudillos (Mexico, 1988), pp. As the work-in-progress of Marcos Aguila of the UAM-Atzcapotzalco shows, figures of registered strikes, by neglecting actual (‘wildcat’) strikes, not to mention other indicators of shopfloor protest, significantly underestimate the incidence of such protest during the years 1932–5. 104 Martinez Saldaña, El costo social, pp. 92 Hernández Chávez, La mecánica cardenista, pp. [92] Although Cárdenas did not play the role that Calles had as the power behind the presidency, Cárdenas did exert influence on the PRI and in Mexican politics. VII. 39, No. Escárcega López, Evarardo and Escobar Toledo, Saúl. 1 (1977); Benítez, Fernando, Lázaro Cárdenasy la Revolutión Mexicana, t. III. 5 The most cogent statement of this view is Anguiano, Artuto, El Estado y la politica obrera del cardenismo, 9th edn. for this article. 8 Córdova, Arnaldo, La politica de masas del cardenismo, 2nd edn. 131–2, 136–7. Calles had founded the National Revolutionary Party (PNR) in the wake of the assassination of Sonoran general Alvaro Obregón, who served as president (1920–24) and was president-elect in 1928. [94], In 1968, Cárdenas did not anticipate the draconian crackdown by Díaz Ordaz in the run-up to the Mexico City Olympics. 128 Vaughan, ‘The Implementation of National Policy in the Countryside’ Bateman, Mexico City, to Foreign Office, 20 Dec. 1945, FO 371/51586, AN69. Despite Cárdenas' policy of socialist education, he also improved relations with the Roman Catholic Church during his administration.[71]. La Institucionalización y el Cardenismo 19 Carr, Barry, ‘Crisis in Mexican Communism: The Extraordinary Congress of the Mexican Communist Party’, Science and Society, vol. ), Caudillo and Peasant in the Mexican Revolution (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 30, 144–5 • Campbell, Hugh G., La derecha radical en México, 1929–1949 (Mexico, 1976). [13] It was politically impossible for his patron, Calles, to serve as president again, but he continued to dominate Mexico after his presidency (1924–28) through what were considered "puppet" administrations in a period known as the Maximato. Yovan Gonzalez Rodríguez He is quoted as saying, "We did not put the Army in politics. 93 Buvé, Raymond, ‘State Governors and Peasant Mobilization in Tlaxcala’, in Brading, D. A. Although initially an assimilationist for Mexico's indigenous, he shifted his perspective after a period of residence in a Purépecha village, which he published as Carapan: Bosquejo de una experiencia. The extent of the opposition was significant and Cárdenas chose to step back from implementing the radical educational policies, particularly as he became engaged with undermining Calles's power. 63 Cárdenas was ‘curiously innocent in these matters and did not properly appreciate business conventions as understood in Mexico’: Murray, Mexico City, to Foreign Office, 15 July 1935, FO 371//18708, A6865. 5; José Moreno, Tehuacán, Pue., to Cárdenas, 24 April 1936, AGN/DGG, 2.311.8, caja 35A (‘todavía impera en esta región un reducto del viejo callismo refundido dentro del [partido] laborista’). Initially in 1936 and 1937, there was one annual conference. 229–35; Craig, The First Agraristas, pp. “El presidente del pueblo” Elizandro 4. Sr. Barbara Miller, "The Role of Women in the Mexican Cristero Rebellion: Las Señoras y Las Religiosas". EL CARDENISMO López Mateos became increasingly hostile to Cárdenas, who was explicitly and implicitly rebuking him. 67 Alan Knight, ‘The Politics of the Expropriation’, in Brown and Knight (eds. 53. Others with loyalty to Calles were radical Tomás Garrido Canabal at the Secretariat of Agriculture and Development (1934–35); Marxist Narciso Bassols held the post of Secretary of Finance and Public Credit (1934–35); Emilio Portes Gil, who had been interim president of Mexico following the assassination of Obregón but not chosen as the PNR presidential candidate in 1929, held the position of Foreign Secretary (1934–35). 66 Philip, George, ‘The Expropriation in Comparative Perspective’, in Brown, Jonathan C. and Knight, Alan (eds. 62 The Aguila Company's report of ‘violently anti-foreign agitation’ at its Minatitlán plant had a kernel of truth: Murray, Mexico City, to Foreign Office, 29 May 1935, FO 371/18797, A5539. Morones was forced out of his cabinet post in Calles's government and the CROM declined in power and influence, with major defections of Mexico City unions, one of which was led by socialist Vicente Lombardo Toledano. 82 Murray, Mexico City, to Foreign Office, 21 Nov. 1935, FO 371/18707, A10388; González, Los días del Presidente Cárdenas, p. 69, graphically illustrates the superiority of car over cavalry. Cristhian Hernández Sánchez. [5] Cárdenas was appointed provisional governor of his home state of Michoacán under the brief presidency of Adolfo de la Huerta. 74 For Catholic and Sinarquista violence (chiefly in Veracruz) see AGN/Gobemación, 2/380(26)/8, Caja 40. ¿Qué es la historia? He escaped the Federal forces in Michoacán and moved north where he served initially with Álvaro Obregón, then Pancho Villa, and after 1915 when Villa was defeated by Obregón to Plutarco Elías Calles, who served Constitutionalist leader, Venustiano Carranza. 1937–47 (Mexico, 1979), p. 37. [80] Cárdenas may well have hoped Ávila Camacho would salvage some of his progressive policies[76] and be a compromise candidate compared to his conservative opponent, General Juan Andreu Almazán. [44] The goals that the department worked toward were primarily economic and education, with cultural actions second. Three years later Mexico was still not Communist, but landlords were still lamenting their lot. In 1940, the first Interamerican Indigenista Congress met in Pátzcuaro, Michoacán, with Cárdenas giving a plenary address to the participants.[48]. 55–63. Consolidación del corporativismo 2. "[citation needed], Philippine President Ramon Magsaysay patterned his people–oriented government on the principles which he found in a biography of Cárdenas written by William Cameron Townsend. Cárdenas was increasingly concerned about the impact on the movement on the political peace that had been built by the party. 123 Bateman, Mexico City, to Foreign Office, 15 Jan. 1946, FO 371/51592, AN3382. 182/4. Medina, Luis, Historia de la Revolución Mexicana, Periodo 1940–52. 140–1. Además, se aplicarán las condiciones generales de uso y la política de privacidad de Scribd. Los días del presidente Cárdenas (Mexico, 1981), pp. | | | | | 106 doc. See Niblo, Stephen R., ‘The Impact of War: Mexico and World War II’ (La Trobe University Institute of Latin American Studies, Occasional Paper No. In 1938, Cárdenas transformed the structure of the party Calles founded, creating the Partido de la Revolución Mexicana (PRM), based on sectoral representation of peasants via peasant leagues, unionized workers, professionals, and the Mexican army. 111 Wilkie, James W, The Mexican Revolution: Federal Expenditure and Social Change since 1910 (Berkeley, 1973), pp. 247–67. , Los campesinos de la tierra de Zapata, t. I, Adaptatión, cambioy rebelión (Mexico, 1974), on continued ‘traditional’ peasant protest, involving El Tallanrin, in the 1940s; El Tallarín's links to the Gold Shirts are alleged in Memo, on Gold Shirt activity, 11 Sept. 1936, AFM 106/192. UNIDAD 2 117 Ibid., ch. He became the first occupant of the official presidential residence of Los Pinos. 45 Carr, Barry, ‘El Partido Comunista y la movilización agrarian en la Laguna, 1920–40: ¿una alianza obrero-campesina?’, Revista Mexicana de Sociologia, vol. 39, 147, terms Cárdenas ‘an implacable manipulator of the masses’ who, in the words of Rubén Salazar Mallén (1939) presided over a ‘new Porfirismo’. estudio de la historia Cárdenas was Calles's hand-picked candidate in 1934 to run for the presidency. 03/05/2013¿Quién es LázaroCárdenas?¿Qué es elcardenismo?Educación.Opositores alCardenismoEXPROPIACION PETROLERA (1938)Consolidación del régimenposrevolucionari… The US sent technical advisers to Mexico to ensure production could support the overall Allied war effort. There was more organized and ideological opposition to Cárdenas. Both the Fondo Lázaro Cárdenas and the Directión General de Gobierno of the Archivo General de la Nación (henceforth: AGN/FLC and AGN/DGG respectively) are crammed with petitions and solicitations, some of which strike a personal chord and suggest something of Cárdenas's popular and paternalist image. Hernán Cortez…………………………………………………………………………….….7 139–40; and Salamini, Heather Fowler, Agrarian Radicalism in Veracruz, 1920–38 (Lincoln, 1978), pp. IV. Krauze, Mexico: Biography of Power pp. He mobilized groups to support his positions, creating “political shock troops,” consisting of public school teachers and members of a disbanded agrarian league, forming the Confederación Revolucionaria Michoacana del Trabajo, under the slogan of “Union, Land, Work.” The organization was funded by the state government, although not listed as an official expenditure. 451-52. "Cardenismo: Juggernaut or Jalopy? Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla……………………………………………………………….8 They could ensure that government land reform was accomplished. During the troubles that summer, one of Cárdenas's long-time friends, Heberto Castillo Martínez, a professor of mechanical engineering at the National University, actively participated in the movement and was pursued by Díaz Ordaz's secret police. He is best known for nationalization of the oil industry in 1938 and the creation of Pemex, the government oil company. Calles agreed, believing he could control Cárdenas as he had controlled his predecessors. 57 Murray, Mexico City, to Foreign Office, 29 Oct. 1935, FO 371/18707, A9690; ibid., 31 Oct. 1935, FO 371/18707, A9693; Farquhar, Mexico City, to Foreign Office (re Aguila Co. strike), 30 Jan. 1935, FO 371/18705, A14532; Monson, Mexico City, to Foreign Office, 31 Jan. 1935, FO 371/18708, A667. Cárdenas expanded the peasant league's base in 1938 into the Confederación Nacional Campesina (CNC). 4–5, for some doubts about Bonapartism. (Mexico, 1987), p. 225. 81 Gall, Trotsky en México, pp. 1. Si quieres darte de baja, cierra tu cuenta de SlideShare. [87] His inauguration was attended by US Vice President-elect Henry A. Wallace,[87] who was appointed by the U.S. as a "special representative with the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary" for Mexico, indicating that the U.S. recognized the legitimacy of the election results. It was already there. 173–88. [54] The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) was for Mexico a cautionary tale, the failure of a leftist regime after a military coup. He also directly appealed to López Mateos to free jailed union leaders. Article 123 of the 1917 Constitution had empowered labor in an unprecedented way, guaranteeing worker rights such as the eight-hour day and the right to strike, but in a more comprehensive fashion, Article 123 signaled that the Mexican state was on the side of labor. 3. 63–89. Aguilar García, Javier. These two sectors were where mobilization was strongest prior to Cárdenas's presidency, so there was a confluence of peasant and worker interests seeking reform and empowerment with a president who was sympathetic to their aspirations and understood the importance of their support to the Mexican state and to Cárdenas's dominant party. He was "known as a conciliator rather than a leader" and later derided as "the unknown soldier. 134 González, Pueblo en vilo, p. 186; Martínez Saldaña, ‘Formación y transformación de una oligarquía’, p. 71. "Reports of Its Demise Are Not Exaggerated: The Life and Times of Yucatecan Henequen", in, Stanford, Lois. Benigno Serrato, who replaced Cárdenas as Governor of Michoacán in 1932 and set out to scupper the radical Cardenista Confederación Revolucionaria Michoacana de Trabajo, was adamant that – in the case of the big plantations of Nueva Italia – ‘the unrest and rebellion of the workers have been caused by Communist leaders’, ‘very dangerous’ men, who had ‘acquired such authority that the workers repudiate and question their old representatives’: Serratos to Gobernación, 15 Jan. 1933, citing Victoriano Anguiano, AGN/DGG 2.331.8 (12), caja 29A.
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